本研究通过对中国同性恋亲友会的田野调查，分析了性少数人群的父母何以从子女出柜后的绝望和破碎感，逐渐走向接纳和弥合，进而主动参与到平权运动中。本文认为，同志父母志愿者的身份认同是父母感与公民感的混合，首先，原本作为国内LGBT平权运动最大阻力的家庭主义，在经历了亲友会的策略性重塑后，反而成为很多父母志愿者参加公共行动的动力，同时又是他们在面对各方压力时的粘合剂与保护伞；其次，通过公共参与，横向的社会联结和跨越阶层的社会影响还塑造了同志父母有限的公民身份，并在一定程度上弥补了家庭认同危机发生后父母身份的崩塌。需要强调的是，亲友会产生的公民感是模糊的、隐晦的，并内化了公权力的逻辑，任何本应在公共领域展开的平权议题话语争论，最终都只能通过竭力附和公权力来消灭不同意见者，而最终赢者又要任由公权力来界定其合法性。除了身份认同的差异，在话语使用上，亲友会乃至整个平权运动内部还存在主流和解构的分歧，话语分歧与原本存在的性别对立甚至可能导致整个平权运动的分裂和割席。基于身份认同和话语两个维度，本文将父母志愿者和其他运动参与者分为父母-主流、父母-解构、公民-主流和公民-解构四个类型。本文认为，由于公权力平权运动最主要的听众，其对社会自组织的防范，对个体权利、自由等西方话语和势力的排斥，导致父母身份和主流话语成为了个体在平权运动中最有效的屏障，加上亲友会自身的家本位色彩和策略特征，不仅使父母-主流类型成为亲友会的核心特征，也让同性恋亲友会成为国内平权运动的中流砥柱。结合亲友会的个案，本文认为私人-公共领域原则上的对立，是建立在二者能够分别稳定和自洽的基础上的。当我们从变迁和结构视角看待二者的此消彼长时，便可能发现两个领域新的互动可能性。就我国本土情况而言，在文化变迁这一时间维度上，当私人领域因严重的父母-子女矛盾走向崩溃，开放灵活的公共组织便能为原子化的家庭成员建立社会支持，将成员联系、纳入到公共参与中来；在社会结构这一空间维度上，当公共领域因国家-社会关系失衡日渐衰落，私人领域便凭借其稳定的合法性对公共表达加以保护和粘合。
Through a field survey of PFLAG in China, this study analyzed why the parents of sexual minorities changed from being desperate after coming out of their children to accepting and actively participating in LGBT movement. This paper argues that familism, which used to be the biggest resistance of LGBT movement in China, becomes the driving force for many parents to participate in public actions with series of strategies of PFLAG, and even gathers and protects thousands of parents from the state power. In addition, through public participation, horizontal social connections and cross-class social influence has shaped the parents', and to some extent compensates for the collapse of parental identity after family crisis. The identity of parent volunteers is a mixture of parent and citizen, although different parents have different preferences for the two kinds of identity.However, parents’ fuzzy citizenship not only promote equality but also internalize the logic of state power, making debate over equality, which should have been carried out in the public sector, eventually leads to a competition of flattering state power to eliminate their rival. As the result, the final survivors after these competition also relies on the state power to define whether they are legal and reasonable. In terms of the use of discourse, there exists arguments between mainstream homonormative and queer theories within PFLAC and even the whole LGBT movement. It should be noted that the discourse divergence and the original gender opposition may even lead to the split and separation of the entire movement. Based on the two dimensions of identity and discourse, this paper divides parent volunteers and other movement participants into four types: parent (family) -mainstream, parent (family) -queer, citizen-mainstream and citizen-queer. This paper argues that, as public power is almost the only audience in this movement, its close attention to social stability, fear of social self-organization and discourse of individual rights and freedom, pushes the parent identity to become the most effective barrier before the state power.These factors not only make the type of parent-mainstream a central feature of PFLAG, but also make PFLAG a mainstay of LGBT movement in China. Finally, this paper argues that opposed principle between the private and public spheres is based on the fact that they can be respectively stable and consistent. When we analyze the relationship between the private sphere and the public sphere from the perspective of social change and social structure, so as to discover new possibilities of interaction between the two spheres. In terms of the time dimension of transformation and change, the private sector is vulnerable to fast social changes. At this time, open and flexible public organizations can quickly establish social support for atomized families, and then connect family members and incorporate them into public participation. In terms of the dimension of social structure, when the public sphere is declining due to the imbalance of state-society relations, the private sphere will protect and bond the public expression with its stable legitimacy.
