黄郛是曾在中国近代史上有过重要影响的政治人物，他经历了从辛亥革命到华北事变一系列的重大历史事件，一身兼具革命党人、军事将领、国际政治学者、政学系首领等多重角色。其一生行事与思想，为我们理解中国近代政治以及政治思想演变的深层面相提供了典型个案。然而，由于史料的局限，尤其是黄郛早期文献的缺乏，既有成果对其政治生涯前期的研究和讨论较为不足：一则表现为对其前期生平行事的梳理尚不完整，存在若干缺环，对一些重要史实也存在曲解和误识；再则表现为对其前期思想的核心内容与特质，亦缺乏准确的分析和把握。这篇论文以新发现的黄郛早期文献为基础，结合各类新旧史料，对黄郛前期生平行事作了详细的梳理，基本补足了黄郛前期生平史事的诸多缺环，对许多关键问题有所补正。例如：黄郛参加革命党的时间问题、与“丈夫团”及《武学》杂志的关系问题、黄郛在辛亥革命、二次革命以至护国运动中的角色与功过问题、黄郛与北洋要员的关系问题、对“金法郎案”的处置动机、担任外交总长和教育总长时期的施政措施、在北京政变中的地位与作用、摄政时期的施政理念，等等。皆有所阐发，有所厘正。此外，前辈研究者大都只注意到黄郛政治思想中主张民主政治的层面，将他视作国民党体制内民主派的代表。但通过黄郛前期思想文献的分析与梳理，可以发现他思想中存有浓重的军国民思想底色。这一底色奠定于留日时期，发扬于革命时期，贯穿其整个政治生涯，终身未曾磨灭。在军国民思想的影响下，黄郛对于国家制度的设计与国民精神的期许呈现出二向分离的特征：在国家政治制度方面，他主张民主、宪政与法治；但在国民精神方面，他又始终坚持军国民主义的价值标准，片面强调为国奉献、牺牲精神，而反对私利观念以及扩张国民权利的主张。政治民主化理念与对军国民的期许是贯穿黄郛政治思想的两条主线，二者各有作用层面，并行不悖，但在权重方面，军国民精神是首位的。因此，既有研究中对黄郛“资产阶级自由派”的政治定性，显然不符合黄郛政治思想的基本内容和特点。作为典型个案，黄郛前期的行事与思想，可以反映二十世纪上半叶曾于中国政治进程中扮演重要角色的一批军人政治家在行事方式和思想特质方面的共同点。通过对黄郛的研究，或可对我们解析民国政权徒有民主形式而无民主实质的深层原因有所启示。
Huang Fu is one of the most important figures in the political history of Modern China, who experienced a series of significant events, range from Xinhai Revolution to North China Incident. He was regarded as a revolutionist, general officer, International political scientist, and the leader of Zhengxuexi Group. His thought and conducts happened to be an excellent case to comprehend the trend and complexity of political evolution in modern China. Unfortunately, Due to the limited historical materials, particularly the deficiency of his early literatures. There is a lack in study of his early political career, which reflected in two folds: one is the incomplete arrangement of historical materials of his early career, which led to several “gaps” in study, furthermore resulting in misunderstanding and misinterpretation of some important facts. The other is the shortage of analysis and mastery of the essences and features of his early thoughts. Based on the newly discovery of his early literatures as well as all sorts of history materials, we are able to rearrange historical facts of his early career and partly supplement the insufficiencies. They are as follows: When he joined the revolution party? What’s the relationship between “Zhangfutuan Group” and Wuxue magazine? What’s the role and conducts he made in “Xinhai Revolution”, “the second revolution” and the “Republic-Defence War”? What’s his relationship to key figures of Beiyang Government? What’s his intention in dealing with “The Franc case”? What’s his administrating measures while being Foreign minister and minister of education? What’s his position and role in “Beijing coup”? What’s the political doctrine and ideas when he being regent? Things like this, Complementation and corrections have been made.Early scholars only noticed his advocating of democratic politics, regarding him as the leaders of “Democratic Group” in Kuomintang. By interpreting and analyzing of his early literatures and political acts, a new finding surfaced: his belief in national militarism. The belief originated from his oversea study period in Japan, reflecting in revolutionary period, underpinning though his whole political career. Under the influence of this belief, his design for the state system and his expectation for the national spirit is diverse. In political institution, he called for democracy, constitutional government and rule of law. However In civil rights, he consistently upheld the value standard of national militarism, superficially stressing the devotion and sacrifice to the state, while opposing the perception of self-interest and the expansion of civil rights range. Democratic politics and National militarism expectation were two pillars in his political ideology. For him, the two functioned as a whole without conflicts. However, national militarism obviously held more weight. For this, existing category of his thoughts as “bourgeois liberals" obviously did not conform.A typical figure as he was, his early thoughts and conducts has reflected the common ideological and behavioral features of a generation of influential military politicians. From the study, I attempted to seek the reason why state power in the era of Republic of China had an underserved form of democracy yet without real benefits.
